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Table of Contents
The Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 3
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12 November
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By Liakhovetsky, Ivan Mikhailovich (Maisky)

The Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 2

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12 November
Subbotić came to see me. He is terribly alarmed and concerned about C[omrade] Molotov’s visit to Berlin.
‘The Italo-Greek war,’ said Subbotić, ‘Graziani’s plans in Egypt, and British operations in the Mediterranean – all that completely pales in comparison. The outcome of the war, maybe the fate of the world, will be decided at that meeting in Berlin!’
Naturally enough, Subbotić worries most of all about the possible connections between the Berlin meeting and the events in the Balkans, primarily in Yugoslavia and Turkey. He hopes that ‘Russia will not forget Yugoslavia’, and that the interests of his country will not suffer as a result of the meeting in Berlin. Clearly, C[omrade] Molotov’s visit to Berlin has caused great unease in Belgrade.
I told Subbotić that I was not privy to the agenda of the Berlin meeting but, judging by the persons accompanying C[omrade] Molotov, economic issues will be the focus of attention. I could also assure him in advance that the Berlin meeting would not bring about any changes whatsoever to our policy of neutrality.
Then we spoke about events in Greece. In Subbotić’s words, the Greeks themselves are greatly amazed at their own heroism. At any rate, this is the impression of Simopoulos and his staff. Despite all the Greek success, however, Subbotić does not believe that the Greeks can hold out for long, unless the British transfer large military resources onto continental Greece. But the British government does not intend to do so. Its policy is confined to occupation of the Greek islands and bases, and to helping Greece with its air force and navy
Subbotić has heard that Eden is back from the Near East in a very optimistic mood. Eden is sure the British will be able to hold on to Egypt.
[Since the fall of France, Hitler had been facing the dilemma of whether to attempt to bring the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact up to date through arrangements in South-East Europe or, alternatively, to proceed with vigorous preparations for war. The idea of a meeting between Molotov and Hitler originated with von Schulenburg, the German ambassador to Moscow, during a brief visit to Berlin. The realization that Russia had no intention of retreating from the Balkans prompted Schulenburg to seek


Page 940

a four-power pact between Germany, Russia, Italy and Japan, in order to delineate spheres of influence. Hitler’s expectations of the meeting did not tally with those of his ambassador: he assumed that, after his general idea for the ‘new Europe’ was outlined, the negotiations would gradually crystallize into a rigid proposal for delimitation that would exclude Russia from Europe and the Balkans and reflect German military supremacy. He had no intention of accommodating the Russians, beyond forcing Turkey to yield to some guarantees in the Straits and security arrangements in the Baku region. There is little to support the prevailing view that, during his visit to Berlin, Molotov conspired with Hitler to divide up the entire world – and more specifically to carve up the British Empire.
The directive for the talks, dictated to Molotov in Stalin’s dacha and taken in longhand, was confined to intrinsic Soviet interests in the Balkans and the Turkish Straits, and was dominated by considerations of security. Foremost were repeated demands for the establishment of Soviet control of the mouth of the Danube and involvement in the decision on the ‘fate of Turkey’. Bulgaria, as in the war of 1877–78, was to be ‘the main topic of the negotiations’ and was expected to fall into the Soviet sphere of influence. In order to mitigate German influence, Stalin sought to include even a battered Britain in a peace conference, which he expected to be promptly convened. Maisky’s assertion that Britain could not be written off and might even emerge victorious at the end of a slow and arduous process was of cardinal importance for the objectives sought at the Berlin meeting.
AVP RF f.06 op.2 p.15 d.157 ll.67–8, 3 Nov. 1940.
A telegram from Stalin caught up with Molotov on the train as he was en route to Berlin. This reaffirmed the instructions not to broach with Germany any issues concerning the British Empire. Indeed, in Berlin Molotov endorsed Maisky’s view that it was ‘too early to bury England’.
Presidential Archives, Moscow, copy of handwritten notes by Molotov, 9 Nov.; AVP RF f.059 op.1 p.338 d.2314 l.2, Stalin to Molotov, 11 Nov. 1940. To prevent any misunderstanding, Maisky received a succinct but accurate report from Molotov on what transpired in Berlin, see AVP RF f.059 op.1 p.326 d.2239 ll.112–14, 17 Nov. 1940.
Maisky’s firm position following Molotov’s talks in Berlin is recorded in Beatrice Webb’s diary:
He is of the same opinion still, that though we shall succeed in the defensive and may control the Mediterranean, we shall not beat Germany. The war in the air will drag on, and we may, unless the USA is unlimited in its help, have to accept a patched up peace with Hitler, leaving him still dominant in Europe. Or if Germany gets hopelessly paralyzed by our air attack, there will be an internal revolution (Communist) in both Germany and France, which we shall not be able to put down or control.
Webb, diary, 28 Nov. 1940, p. 6998.
No wonder Butler, somewhat misled by Maisky’s failure to grasp the premises of Stalin’s foreign policy, gained the impression that Soviet policy was ‘to await a change in English politics and English political thought, which would result in a Government and a social structure in this country more understandable to the Soviet way of life’. As he assumed that the Soviet leaders were ‘bent upon world revolution, and consider England a suitable breeding ground for their ideas’, he was in favour of keeping them at arm’s length.
TNA FO 371 24848 N7354/40/38, 27 Nov. 1940.
Cripps was accordingly instructed by Halifax to sit tight, as the Russians seemed to be intent on appeasing Germany, which ‘they feel cannot be trifled with’, while Britain ‘they can ignore and rebuff with impunity’.
TNA FO 800/322, pp. 365–9, Halifax to Cripps, 27 Nov. 1940.
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Document Title12 November
AuthorLiakhovetsky, Ivan Mikhailovich (Maisky)
RecipientN/A
RepositoryN/A
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DescriptionN/A
Date1940 Nov 12
AOC VolumeThe Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 2
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