The ill-fated ‘Polish government’ recently came running to London together with its president. Polish premier Sikorski met Churchill and assured him, first orally and then in writing, that the P[olish] G[overnment] did not wish to impede in any way the improvement of Anglo-Soviet relations. Government circles here interpreted this to mean that the ‘P[olish] G[overnment]’ is ready to formally relinquish its claims on Western Ukraine and Belorussia. We hardly need this renunciation, if truth be told; but as a symptom of the Polish mood, it is very interesting.

In less official Polish circles the following notion is gaining ground: if the Germans hold Poland, Polish nationality itself will eventually be eliminated. If Poland goes over to the USSR, Polish nationality will survive and even develop. Hence the conclusion: ‘Let it be a Soviet Poland, but still Poland!’

An equally radical process is afoot with Czechoslovakia. They have entirely lost faith in the Allies. It was not so long ago that Beneš told me he wanted to balance between the Allies in the west and the USSR in the east. Now Czechoslovakians tends to lean towards the USSR, seeing their salvation in our country. They are also ready to say: ‘Let it be a Soviet Czechoslovakia, but still Czechoslovakia!’

Our support is being sought by Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Greece, Turkey and Sweden. They are all gripped by one desire: to avoid war one way or another! And they all reckon that only the USSR can save them from this ordeal.

The rupture, however, is not the only issue. The British government clearly wants to go further. First, it aims to use all available means to seize the French fleet, which is dispersed all over the world: part of it is moored in British harbours, other parts are in Alexandria, Martinique, North Africa (Casablanca, Oran and Bizerta) and Toulon. Negotiations are being held with French seamen, who are being tempted, pressed and threatened. It is difficult to say what will come of this, but one thing is clear: the British are desperate not to allow the French fleet to pass into German hands.

Second, the British government is obsessed with plans to form an alternative French government that would be ready to continue the war and that would rely for support on the French Empire, primarily North Africa and Syria. The reports issuing from the French colonies are contradictory. According to some, General Noguès

Charles Auguste Paul Noguès, general, member of Supreme War Council, 1936–39; commander-in-chief of the French troops in North Africa in 1939–40.

(commander-in chief in North Africa) and General Mittelhauser

Eugène-Désité-Antoine Mittelhauser, general.

(commander-in-chief in Syria) are against Pétain and in favour of fighting on with the British. Other reports say that they are hesitating and are inclined to follow those in Bordeaux. The latter seems more likely. Duff Cooper told me upon his arrival from Casablanca, where he and General Gort had been sent by the British government, that not only had he failed to win over Noguès, but he had not even been able to see him. Noguès avoided meeting Cooper and Gort, who departed empty-handed. It looks as if the British government’s dreams of an alternative government will remain just that – dreams. But it has not yet given up.

‘Eminent émigrés’ have started arriving in London from France: Pierre Cot, Kerillis,

Henri de Kerillis, formerly editor of L’Écho de Paris; director of L’Époque; delegate to Chamber of Deputies for the Seine, 1936–45; councillor for the Seine, 1936–45.

Pertinax

Charles Joseph André Géraud (Pertinax), foreign editor, L’Echo de Paris, 1917–38; editor, L’Europe Nouvelle, 1938–40.

and others. Blum, Paul-Boncour and even Herriot are said to be here, but I have not managed to verify this. All these people spend their time knocking about at the Savoy. Their condition is one of utter prostration and they argue ceaselessly among themselves on political matters. Hardly first-rate material for an alternative government.