The French army has retreated beyond Paris. The army seems to maintain relatively good order and is still battle-worthy, albeit battered and tired. The Germans, too, have apparently sustained great losses, are exhausted and drained. But the victory, of course, will lift their spirits. The French, I was told by Butler yesterday, had only 75 divisions. The Germans moved 100 against them, and now have as many as 120 (20 fresh divisions recently arrived from the Siegfried Line, where Italians replaced them). In addition, the Germans had an enormous advantage over the French in aircraft and tanks. The British aid after the defeat in Flanders amounted to no more than six divisions plus a large quantity of aircraft. Is it any surprise that the Germans captured Paris?

What will happen next?

Reports suggest that a number of ministers inside the French government (eight are mentioned) are in favour of an immediate peace treaty – a general one if possible, or a separate peace if this can’t be avoided. So far Reynaud has succeeded in prevailing on them to wait and give him a last chance to get real and meaningful help from the United States and England. Hence his final appeal to Roosevelt yesterday. At the meeting of the Supreme War Council held on 11 and 12 June, the British government promised France more active assistance: British troops are now being transported across the Channel in greater numbers. Ten to fifteen divisions are mentioned. Will this really be sufficient to help put France back on her feet?…

Evidently, the English have the following plan: to strengthen the French, prevent a separate peace, and gain time for their own preparations and to obtain equipment from the United States.

The other day I met Middleton in parliament. We discussed current events. Middleton came to the following conclusion: ‘The young generation of England, France, Germany and Italy will be annihilated in this war. The young generation of Russia will inherit the whole of Europe.’

Agniya and I went to the Keyneses for lunch two days ago. We found them in a state of extreme pessimism. Lopukhova is utterly lost and stunned, and told Agniya of her feeling that the old world is dying and a new one is being born. The new world obviously frightens her and she doesn’t know what to do. She repeated several times: ‘If the British and the French were not ready for war, then why did they declare it?’

Keynes himself tries to behave in a manner befitting an economist and philosopher, but he confessed to taking a very gloomy view of the future. The ruling classes of England have gone to seed. That is now absolutely clear. New forces ought to take their place. Which forces? Keynes does not have a clear answer to that question. But he is convinced that England will fight long and hard, even if she is on her own. Keynes discounts the possibility of a German invasion of the isles.

Butler told me yesterday: ‘The war is having a great effect on England’s internal condition. Great changes are afoot. I don’t think we’ll have a revolution, but I think we will see rapid evolution.’

‘In what direction?’ I asked.

Butler replied: ‘Men like Bevin will assume much greater importance in our public and political life.’

So, Butler is putting his stake on Labour’s right flank. Maybe he is right. Maybe the next phase of British political development will be marked by the dominant role of men like Citrine, Bevin and Morrison. And then what?

Time will tell.