(1) Fierce air warfare.

(2) Limited military operations (‘military pressure’) on the western front. Military experts estimate that a breakthrough on the Siegfried Line would cost 1–2 million lives. The Allies will not risk it.

(3) A very tight blockade by land and sea, including the introduction of ‘rations’ for neutral countries. The main hopes are pinned on the blockade, which should strangle Germany and bring about internal convulsions, possibly even a revolution. Hence, incidentally, the anticipation of a long war.

Boothby, quoting Churchill, said that Gamelin shares this conception of the war.

In light of the above, our position acquires immense importance. Will we supply Germany with raw materials and food or not? If we do, in what quantities and on what conditions? These questions concern everybody here. No wonder. The outcome of the blockade and, therefore, of the war depend on the answers to these questions.

Two circumstances are capable of undermining the conception set out above:

(1) Germany moving over to active operations on the western front (including the possible violation of the neutrality of Holland, Belgium and Switzerland). This would be true to Hitler’s spirit and would also conform with Germany’s direct interests, as she cannot risk a ‘three-year war’.

(2) Revolution in Germany. A revolution would alter radically the alignment of forces in Europe and would lead to the quick termination of war.

I visited Beneš at 26, Gwendolen Avenue, Putney. A quiet street, the quiet, cosy home of an average intellectual, the quiet footsteps of a few servants.

But the spirit of the house is far from quiet.

Beneš, whom I had not seen for a month, told me about his affairs. A special 30,000-strong Czech army, under General Inger, is being formed in France. True, the French government does not want an ‘army’, but only a ‘legion’ (Osouský is for it, too), but Beneš is sure he will cope with this obstacle. A Czech military unit is also being formed in England. Here, it probably will be called a ‘legion’. Under the command of General Prchal, a Czech ‘legion’ some 800 strong has been organized in Poland. Beneš did not support this idea. He wanted to bring the legionaries from Poland to France. Everything was ready, but the Poles got in the way at the last minute. Beneš then recommended that Prchal at least station the legion somewhere near the Soviet border, thinking that if the Germans defeated the Poles (as Beneš was sure they would), the Czech legion would be able to retreat to the Soviet Union. As a result, the legion was stationed in Baranovichi, which has been recently occupied by the Red Army. Beneš asks the Soviet government to take care of the Czech legionaries and consider the expense of their upkeep as a loan granted to Czechoslovakia, which will certainly be restored as a result of the war. It would also be very good if the legionaries could be moved from the USSR to France. I said I would forward his request to Moscow, but I suspect that we, as a neutral country, can hardly undertake the transportation of legionaries to France. But we shall certainly render assistance to the legionaries in the USSR.

Beneš wants the Czech army to be put under the command of a Czech government. What is the attitude of the B[ritish] G[overnment] to the idea of a Czech government? Three days ago, Beneš had his first meeting with Halifax, who told him that the restoration of Czechoslovakia’s independence is one of the ‘war aims’ of the Allies. As for the recognition of a temporary Czechoslovak government, Halifax promised to think it over. The French government holds a similar position.

How does Beneš view the Red Army’s entry into Poland? He fully approves. He understands it and agrees entirely with our policy. The USSR could not have acted differently. He asks for one thing only: to make sure the USSR has a common border with Slovakia. This is very important.

‘I don’t know what government the free Czechoslovakia of the future will have,’ said Beneš. ‘It makes no odds to me. I’m not against a Soviet government. So long as Czechoslovakia is free and independent. So long as she rids herself of the German yoke.’

As far as ‘Ruthenia’ (Transcarpathian Ukraine) is concerned, Beneš thinks it should be incorporated into the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Even during his time as president of the Czechoslovak Republic, he had envisaged ‘Ruthenia’ as part of the USSR.

Beneš regrets the recent revolt in Czechoslovakia. It was premature and merely led to heavy casualties. But nothing could be done. The situation was too tense in the localities. When it became known in Czechoslovakia that the Red Army had entered Poland, the revolt flared up spontaneously. But Czechoslovakia will not stop fighting. It has strength in abundance.

Beneš thinks that the war will be a long and serious one. Moreover, he has the impression that in this respect England’s attitude is far tougher than that of France.