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Table of Contents
The Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 3
  • 10 January
  • 19 January
  • 20 January
  • 22 January
  • 26 January
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  • 30 January
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  • Conversation with Butler on 18 March 1940
  • 19 March
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  • Conversation with Halifax on 27 March 1940
  • 28 March
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© 2025
18 May
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By Liakhovetsky, Ivan Mikhailovich (Maisky)

The Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 2

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18 May
Walking in the embassy garden this morning, I pondered Vansittart’s move yesterday. I think it can be explained in the following way.
The Soviet government’s reply of 14 May put the British government in a tight spot. Our proposals are clear, simple, reasonable and capable of appealing to the consciousness of the man in the street. They have already leaked out to the press and, were the Anglo-Soviet argument over the terms and conditions of agreement to be judged by the British public, Chamberlain would most definitely lose.
On the other hand, the British government’s commitments towards Poland, Rumania and Greece render a quick deal with the Soviet Union absolutely essential from the British point of view. For, without us, those commitments cannot be made good. What, in fact, can England (or even England and France together) really do for Poland and Rumania if Germany attacks them? Very little. Before the British blockade against Germany could become a serious threat, Poland and Rumania would cease to exist. So British guarantees in the east without an agreement with us will inevitably mean military defeat for Britain, with all the ensuing consequences. That’s assuming England honours its word. Should it break its word and avoid giving assistance to Poland and Rumania under some pretext, then it would be signing its own death warrant as a great power. Not only would this entail a catastrophic loss of global credibility – political and economic – but the rapid disintegration of its Empire.
All these considerations – domestic, imperial and international – are undoubtedly occupying the minds of Chamberlain and his ministers. They are especially concerning at the current time, as the House is scheduled to have a debate on foreign policy on 19 May, in which Churchill, Eden, Lloyd George and other ‘stars’ will speak, and which will essentially boil down to the question: why has a pact with the USSR not been signed yet?
Maisky, ‘the smirking cat’, observed Channon, was ‘leaning over the railing of the ambassadorial gallery and sat so sinister and smug (are we to place our honour, our safety in those blood-stained hands?)’. In his speech to the House, Churchill, briefed in detail over the phone by Maisky about the state of the negotiations, reproached Chamberlain with being guided rather by emotion than by state interests, which called for an alliance with Russia; Rhodes, Chips, p. 199; Maisky, Who Helped Hitler?, pp. 125–6 and letter to The Times, 5 Sep. 1969. On the eve of the debate, Maisky dined with Amery and a dozen members of the ‘Eden Group’ of anti-appeasement backbenchers at the house of General Spears. ‘The little man,’ wrote Amery in his diary, ‘was quite firm on the point that Russia was going to have a black and white alliance or nothing.’ Although Amery commented that he now understood ‘why our ancestors had considered bear-baiting such good sport,’ he found convincing Maisky’s argument that instead of facing up to Nazi Germany, the government was ‘looking over their shoulder the whole time and hanging on to the carcass of the dead policy of appeasement’; Amery papers, diary, AMEL 7/39.
Meanwhile, for psychological reasons, the prime minister is still unable to swallow such a pact, since it would throw him into the anti-German camp once and for all, thus putting an end to all projects aimed at reviving ‘appeasement’. That’s why Chamberlain keeps bargaining with us like an old gypsy, trying to foist a bad horse on us instead of a good one. It won’t work! Yet he still hasn’t lost hope…
But why has Vansittart agreed to become Chamberlain’s instrument in pushing such a shady deal?
I don’t know. Perhaps his true intention is to be back in the mainstream of active politics? Perhaps he thinks that first you have to get in there, no


Page 539

matter how, and then the very logic of things will lead towards an actual agreement?
If Vansittart reasons in this way, he is grossly mistaken. We shall not accept his formula, and this will arm Chamberlain with yet another argument against him.
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Document Details
Document Title18 May
AuthorLiakhovetsky, Ivan Mikhailovich (Maisky)
RecipientN/A
RepositoryN/A
ID #N/A
DescriptionN/A
Date1939 May 18
AOC VolumeThe Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 2
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