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Table of Contents
The Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 3
  • 10 January
  • 19 January
  • 20 January
  • 22 January
  • 26 January
  • 27 January
  • 30 January
  • 3 February
  • 4 February
  • 6 February
  • 11 February
  • 13 February
  • 14 February
  • 15 February
  • 17 February
  • 18 February
  • 20 February
  • 23 February
  • 25 February
  • 27 February
  • 28 February
  • 2 March
  • 7 March
  • 8 March
  • 9 March
  • 12 March
  • 14 March
  • 15 March
  • 16 March
  • 17 March
  • 19 March
  • 20 March
  • 22 March
  • 23 March
  • 25 March
  • 29 March
  • 31 March
  • 1 April
  • 6 April
  • 11 April
  • 12 April
  • 14 April
  • 15 April
  • 16 April
  • 17 April
  • 18 April
  • 28 April
  • 29 April
  • 30 April
  • 1 May
  • 2 May
  • 3 May
  • 4 May
  • 6 May
  • 9 May
  • 11 May
  • 15 May
  • 16 May
  • 17 May
  • 18 May
  • 19 May
  • 21 May
  • 22 May
  • 23 May
  • 25 May
  • 26 May
  • 27 May
  • 28 May
  • 30 May
  • 3 June
  • 8 June
  • 11 June
  • 12 June
  • 16 June
  • 17 June
  • 22 June
  • 23 June
  • 25 June
  • 28 June
  • 29 June
  • 30 June
  • 1 July
  • 2 July
  • 4 July
  • 5 July
  • 6 July
  • 7 July
  • 12 July
  • 13 July
  • 14 July
  • 15 July
  • 18 July
  • 22 July
  • 25 July
  • 28 July
  • 30 July
  • 4 August
  • 5 August
  • 6 August
  • 11 August
  • 20 August
  • 21 August
  • 22 August
  • 23 August
  • 24 August
  • 26 August
  • 28 August
  • 29 August
  • 30 August
  • 31 August
  • 1 September
  • 2 September
  • 3 September
  • 4 September
  • 2 September
  • 7 September
  • 8 September
  • 9 September
  • 12 September
  • 13 September
  • 14 September
  • 15 September
  • 17 September
  • 19 September
  • 20 September
  • 21 September
  • 22 September
  • 23 September
  • 27 September
  • 28 September
  • 29 September
  • 3 October
  • 4 October
  • 6 October
  • 7 October
  • 11 October
  • 12 October
  • 13 October
  • 14 October
  • 16 October
  • 17 October
  • 19 October
  • 21 October
  • 24 October
  • 26 October
  • 27 October
  • 28 October
  • 30 October
  • 31 October
  • 2 November
  • 3 November
  • 7 November
  • 9 November
  • 10 November
  • 13 November
  • 14 November
  • 15 November
  • 16 November
  • 18 November
  • 20 November
  • 21 November
  • 22 November
  • 27 November
  • 28 November
  • 29 November
  • 1 December
  • 3 December
  • 5 December
  • 8 December
  • 12 December
  • 14 December
  • 15 December
  • 21 December
  • 23 December
  • 24 December
  • 25 December
  • 31 December
  • 2 January
  • 3 January
  • 4 January
  • 5 January
  • 7 January
  • 8 January
  • 11 January
  • 14 January
  • 15 January
  • 18 January
  • 19 January
  • 20 January
  • 21 January
  • 23 January
  • 25 January
  • 26 January
  • 27 January
  • 29 January
  • 30 January
  • 31 January
  • 2 February
  • 7 February
  • 8 February
  • 9 February
  • 10 February
  • 11 February
  • 15 February
  • 19 February
  • 21 February
  • 25 February
  • 8 March
  • 11 March
  • 12 March
  • 13 March
  • 16 March
  • 17 March
  • 18 March
  • Conversation with Butler on 18 March 1940
  • 19 March
  • 23 March
  • 27 March
  • Conversation with Halifax on 27 March 1940
  • 28 March
  • 29 March
  • 1 April
  • 2 April
  • 4 April
  • 5 April
  • 6 April
  • 8 April
  • 9 April
  • 10 April
  • 11 April
  • 12 April
  • 13 April
  • 15 April
  • 16 April
  • 17 April
  • 18 April
  • 22 April
  • 27 April
  • 28 April
  • 2 May
  • 4 May
  • 7 May
  • 8 May
  • 13 May
  • 14 May
  • 15 May
  • 17 May
  • 18 May
  • 19 May
  • 20 May
  • 21 May
  • 22 May
  • 23 May
  • 24 May
  • 25 May
  • 26 May
  • 28 May
  • 1 June
  • 4 June
  • 5 June
  • 6 June
  • 10 June
  • 11 June
  • 12 June
  • 14 June
  • 15 June
  • 16 June
  • 17 June
  • 18 June
  • 23 June
  • 25 June
  • 27 June
  • 28 June
  • 29 June
  • 30 June
  • 1 July
  • 2 July
  • 3 July
  • 4 July
  • 5 July
  • 6 July
  • 7 July
  • 8 July
  • 9 July
  • 10 July
  • 11 July
  • 12 July
  • 22 July
  • 23 July
  • 25 July
  • 26 July
  • 27 July
  • 28 July
  • 31 July
  • 5 August
  • 6 August
  • 7 August
  • 10 August
  • 14 August
  • 15 August
  • 17 August
  • 18 August
  • 20 August
  • 22 August
  • 30 August
  • 31 August
  • 1 September
  • 6 September
  • 7 September
  • 8 September
  • 9 September
  • 10 September
  • 13 September
  • 14 September
  • 16 September
  • 17 September
  • 4 October
  • 6 October
  • 9 October
  • 10 October
  • 12 October
  • 13 October
  • 20 October
  • 22 October
  • 2 November
  • 4 November
  • 5 November
  • 11 November
  • 12 November
  • 19 November
  • 30 November
  • 1 December
  • 2 December
  • 11 December
  • 12 December
  • 16 December
  • 19 December
  • 27 December
  • 28 December
  • 29 December
  • 30 December
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© 2025
2 March
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By Liakhovetsky, Ivan Mikhailovich (Maisky)

The Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 2

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2 March
Yesterday, as today’s English papers pompously put it, we had a ‘historic reception’ at the embassy. In fact, there was nothing special about the reception as such, just the usual evening for ‘friends’ and ‘acquaintances’ which we hold every year…
But as for the guest-list… Yes, that was exceptional!
I’ll start at the beginning. When, at the end of January, I was sending out invitations for the 1 March reception, I sent cards to all the Cabinet members,


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as custom dictates. I expected all the ministers to decline politely, or for just two or three of them to accept and then not actually turn up. That’s how it has always been.
Imagine my amazement when, on 1 February, I received a long letter from the prime minister’s office informing me that Chamberlain would attend the reception, and that his wife, who unfortunately was due to attend a charity ball that evening where she was to meet the duchess of Gloucester,
Princess Alice Cristabel, duchess of Gloucester; married Prince Henry, 1st duke of Gloucester, in 1935.
would nevertheless do her best to put in an appearance and would let Mme Maisky know her final answer at a later date. After reading this missive, I said to myself: ‘Aha, there is something behind this! Not a single British prime minister (even a Labourite) has ever crossed the threshold of the Soviet embassy during the entire period of Soviet rule, and now look: not only the ‘man with the umbrella’ himself, but also his spouse, is desperate to attend our reception!’ I had guessed correctly. I know from experience that in our ‘good’ times (1935 and 1936, for instance), 60 to 70 out of 100 invitations tend to be accepted, and in the ‘bad’ times (such as the beginning of 1938, when I arranged a musical soiree in honour of Prokofiev) – 30 to 40. This time there were very few refusals, no more than 20–25%. What was most important was who accepted the invitation. All the pillars of society: major MPs and businessmen, bankers, lords, diehard Tories, high-born aristocrats, members of government… Well, well, well! Thirteen members of Cabinet, i.e. more than half, promised to come, and most of them did. It’s quite unheard of in the six-and-a-bit years of my employment in London. That’s what a shift in the international scene means! That’s what the growth of Soviet might means!
I nonetheless had my doubts until the very last minute whether or not Chamberlain himself would make an appearance. I rather expected something ‘unforeseen’ to hold him back at the eleventh hour. Moreover, it was reported in the papers the day before the reception that Mrs Chamberlain had gone down with the flu and had taken to her bed. But I was wrong. On 28 February they phoned me from the prime minister’s office to say that Mrs Chamberlain would not be able to attend the reception because of her illness and to inquire, on the PM’s behalf, whether he might instead bring along his niece, Miss Cole.
Valerie Cole.
At 10 p.m. on 1 March the tall spare frame of Chamberlain appeared in the embassy doorway, accompanied – a fresh surprise! – not by Miss Cole, but by his daughter.
It’s hard to describe the stir created among the guests by the prime minister’s appearance. Nobody knew about it in advance, and nobody (of the more than


Page 467

500 invitees) had expected such a ‘daring step’ from him. There was a general commotion and agitation. People stopped in the middle of their sentences and rushed childishly to have a look at Chamberlain in the interior of the Soviet embassy. I first led him to the white ballroom and then to my office, where I offered him and his daughter refreshments. Chamberlain declined vodka, but had nothing against mulled wine. The office soon filled with people. I tried to keep the crowd back, but I didn’t always succeed. Standing by the sideboard, the PM and I discussed various topics.
Chamberlain first broached the matter of Hudson’s forthcoming trip. Its aim is to settle various trade disagreements and prepare the ground for expanding Anglo-Soviet trade. Unlike Halifax and Vansittart, Chamberlain said not a word about the political aspect of the visit.
This crucial observation was deliberately left out of Maisky’s brisk report to Litvinov. Though boosting the significance of a first visit by a British prime minister to the Soviet embassy, Maisky conceded that it was motivated by ‘a desire to somehow placate the Opposition’. Significantly, though, he kept the door open, wondering whether ‘even in Chamberlain’s own heart there is not a creeping fear lest the insatiability of the aggressors should force England and France to take up arms, and in anticipation of that eventuality it would not be amiss to extend a feeler towards the USSR’; God Krizisa, I, nos. 128 and 168, 4 March 1939. Moreover, London was awash with rumours about imminent political negotiations between Germany and the Soviet Union. Litvinov assumed that the gesture of Chamberlain was actually aimed at the Germans, to encourage them to make compromises in their negotiations with the British and forestall any agreement between Britain and the Soviet Union; D.C. Watt, How War Came: The immediate origins of the Second World War 1938–1939 (London, 1989), p. 209; DVP, 1939, XXII/1, doc. 157.
I remarked that the British industrialists’ complaints about disagreements in Anglo-Soviet trade were unfounded, or at best highly exaggerated. The main difficulty was not increasing our orders for British companies, but finding the companies to take them. For instance, we were unable to place orders amounting to 2.5 million pounds in 1938 and the fulfilment of earlier orders to the amount of 2 million pounds was delayed. English industry is currently overloaded with orders in connection with the British rearmament programme.
Chamberlain grinned and said: ‘Yes, you need exactly the same things as we do. But it will not be so forever. The peoples of Europe will not always be thinking only of war and armaments. Besides, the goods we offer are not confined to those you mention. We could also supply you with consumer goods. Why don’t you buy them?’
I explained to him that Soviet imports were regulated by a general national economic plan, and that for the moment we could not afford spending our resources on the import of consumer goods.
Chamberlain kept silent for a while and then asked in a very particular way: ‘What are you doing with your gold?’
I smiled and said: ‘The same everyone else does – we put it aside for a rainy day.’
Chamberlain shrugged his shoulders and observed with obvious irritation: ‘At the moment, all anyone can think about is war!’ Having calmed down a little, the PM began interrogating me about our relations with Germany and Japan. Was it true that a German trade delegation had come to Moscow? I told him that at the end of January the Germans had indeed intended to send a trade mission to Moscow, but then changed their minds for whatever reason. It was an entirely German initiative, and we were equally unmoved by news both of the visit and its postponement.


Page 468

Do we fear Japanese aggression? We know from experience, I answered, that Japan is a very restless neighbour, but we are sure that the Japanese will think twice before venturing anything against us: they are well aware of our strength in the Far East.
Chamberlain nodded his assent and added that Japan had got so bogged down in China that it could hardly embark on adventures in other directions. Japan’s situation in China reminds Chamberlain more and more of Napoleon’s situation in Russia.
I asked the PM what he thought of Europe’s immediate prospects.
Chamberlain replied that he remained an ‘optimist’, despite everything. The general situation is improving. The German and Italian people do not want war. Both Hitler and Mussolini gave Chamberlain their personal assurances that their task was the peaceful development of the resources at their disposal. Chamberlain was left with the definite impression that Hitler and Mussolini are afraid of war.
I smiled and said that I quite agreed with him on one point: Hitler and Mussolini are indeed afraid of any serious war. The danger of the situation, however, lies in the fact that they are firmly convinced that they can gain bloodless


Page 469

victories
, victories based on bluffing and on holding their nerve better than other world leaders.
Chamberlain suddenly darkened and seemed to stretch another inch in height. He uttered testily: ‘The time of such victories has passed!’
Our conversation moved away from this subject and somehow alighted on Chamberlain’s father. The PM instantly brightened up and seemed to become more cordial.
‘You know,’ he said, ‘my father never thought that I would go into politics. When he died (in 1912 [correct date is 1914]), I myself had no idea that I might become a parliamentarian and minister.’
‘And how did it happen?’ I inquired.
‘It happened this way. In 1911, I was elected to the city council of Birmingham. In 1915 and 1916 I was lord mayor of Birmingham. Lloyd George, then prime minister, invited me to take the post of director-general of national service. I agreed and resigned as lord mayor. I soon discovered, however, that Lloyd George was not giving me the support to which I was entitled, so half a year later I resigned.’ (Lloyd George, in his turn, once told me that Chamberlain had turned out to be a quite useless director-general.) ‘I could not return to my post as lord mayor of Birmingham, as it had been filled. So I had a long think and decided to try my luck at politics. I entered parliament and began to occupy myself with affairs of state. I can say with some justification that I became a politician thanks to Lloyd George.’
Then, with a somewhat spiteful expression and with obvious sarcasm in his voice, Chamberlain added: ‘Lloyd George may regret it, but now it’s too late!’
There’s no love lost between Chamberlain and Lloyd George. None at all!
I asked the PM about his attitude to his father’s political legacy. Chamberlain replied: ‘In history, one rarely encounters sons who have implemented the political programme of their fathers. But this is exactly what happened in our family. I am happy that it fell to me to carry out the two projects which concerned my father most of all: pensions for the aged and the unification of the Empire through the customs system.’
Having said that, Chamberlain seemed to raise himself up on tiptoes and gaze down on us all with a feeling of benevolent contempt: a giant among pygmies!
I gained the impression from our talk that the PM considers himself a ‘man of destiny’! He was born into this world to perform a ‘sacred mission’.
A dangerous state of mind.
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Document Details
Document Title2 March
AuthorLiakhovetsky, Ivan Mikhailovich (Maisky)
RecipientN/A
RepositoryN/A
ID #N/A
DescriptionN/A
Date1939 Mar 2
AOC VolumeThe Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 2
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