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Table of Contents
The Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 1
  • 27 October 1937
  • 12 July
  • 18 July
  • 9 August
  • 30 October
  • 31 October
  • 1 November
  • 4 November
  • 5 November
  • 6 November
  • 7 November
  • 9 November
  • 10 November
  • 12 November
  • 15 November
  • 16 November
  • 17 November
  • 18 November
  • 23 November
  • 24 November
  • 25 November
  • 27 November
  • 28 November
  • 29 November
  • 1 December
  • 5 December
  • 6 December
  • 11 December
  • 13 December
  • 16 December
  • 17 December
  • 18 December
  • 19 December
  • 20 December
  • 24 December
  • 27 December
  • 31 December
  • 8 January
  • 9 January
  • 15 January
  • 18 January
  • 25 January
  • 26 January
  • 28 January
  • 1 February
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  • 6 February
  • 10 February
  • 12 February
  • 14 February
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  • 20 February
  • 21 February
  • 22 February
  • 28 February
  • 1 March (1)
  • 1 March (2)
  • 2 March
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  • 1 July
  • 27 July
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  • 29 July
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  • 27 October
  • 6 November
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  • 18 November
  • 24 November
  • 1 December
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  • 12 December
  • 14 December
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  • 25 January
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  • 28 January
  • 7 February
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  • PS 1 October
  • 12 September
  • 13 September
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  • 20 September
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  • 23 September
  • 24 September
  • 25 September
  • 26 September
  • 27 September
  • 28 September
  • 29 September
  • 30 September
  • 1 October
  • 6 October
  • 11 October
  • 13 October
  • 15 October
  • 17 October
  • 19 October
  • 20 October
  • 22 October
  • 25 October
  • 26 October
  • 27 October
  • 28 October
  • 30 October
  • 31 October
  • 1 November
  • 3 November
  • 9 November
  • 15 November
  • 16 November
  • 17 November
  • 25 November
  • 27 November
  • 7 December
  • 11 December
  • 13 December
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  • 19 December
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© 2025
19 October
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By Liakhovetsky, Ivan Mikhailovich (Maisky)

The Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 1

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19 October
Beaverbrook came for lunch. As always, he had many interesting things to say.
According to him, Chamberlain firmly believes in the possibility of European ‘appeasement’ by way of negotiations with Hitler and Mussolini. This is hardly surprising, considering that the PM is prepared to retreat even further at the cost of third countries and, as a last resort, even at the cost of the British Empire. The prospect of creating a ‘Mitteleuropa’ does not frighten Chamberlain at all. On the contrary, it even pleases him: won’t it lead to a confrontation between Germany and the USSR?
When I asked what the PM thought about the colonial issue, Beaverbrook replied that Chamberlain was ready to return to Germany all its former colonies in Africa, with the exception of Tanganyika and South-West Africa, and to compensate her with Angola and the Congo. This, of course, would result in a serious split in the country and within the Conservative Party, but Beaverbrook thinks that the PM might manage to carry it through nonetheless.
Generally speaking, Beaverbrook is in a vague and irritated state of mind. He supports Chamberlain’s Munich policy, but he is flatly against the PM’s rearmament policy. For what is happening now? Convinced that he will be able to come to terms with Hitler and Mussolini, Chamberlain tarries with rearmament. The proof: his unwillingness to mobilize industry and to set up a ministry of supply. He is altogether against any kind of ‘heroic measures’. His slogan is ‘business as usual’. And this happens despite the fact that Inskip’s total failure as ‘minister for coordination’
The full title was ‘minister for coordination of defence’.
is acknowledged by all, even by the PM himself!
Beaverbrook does not anticipate any major changes in the government in the near future. The PM will on no account let Churchill into the Cabinet. He would willingly take in Eden, but Eden himself will hardly agree, since for him this would be tantamount to political suicide. The result is bad! Very bad!
‘What we need most of all,’ Beaverbrook exclaimed a couple of times, ‘is a strong government! Where it comes from and what it will be like is a secondary issue. Just so long as it’s strong!’
This sounded almost fascistic.
***


Page 371

Attlee and Greenwood came for dinner. We discussed at length current events and Labour’s plans. A sad picture. Both fail to understand or sense that the present situation is absolutely extraordinary and requires extraordinary measures to be taken – in particular, some ‘heroic’ steps to change Britain’s foreign policy. In their opinion, everything should continue as normal. They must campaign, make speeches in parliament, assail the government in the press, etc., and wait for the nearest election, which will probably be held in a year at the earliest. That’s the sum of their philosophy, strategy and tactics.
***
Layton, who had tea with me today, told me a strange story. During the crisis, none other than Samuel Hoare told him one day: ‘The more I reflect on the situation, the closer I come to the conclusion that if we really want to preserve our empire, we have no choice but to go along with Russia. Indeed, Russia is not an expansionist country today and poses no danger to the British Empire. Germany, on the contrary, is breaking forth from its borders in all directions and undoubtedly constitutes a threat to the Empire. Why, in such a situation, shouldn’t we come to an agreement with Russia about cooperation?’
Hoare also voiced his pleasure apropos De La Warr’s and Butler’s meeting with M.M. [Litvinov] and me in Geneva. Sir Samuel is evidently not as hopeless as I thought.
Layton is pessimistic about the political situation. He thinks Chamberlain is safe, as at least 70% of the voters are definitely behind him.
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Document Details
Document Title19 October
AuthorLiakhovetsky, Ivan Mikhailovich (Maisky)
RecipientN/A
RepositoryN/A
ID #N/A
DescriptionN/A
Date1938 Oct 19
AOC VolumeThe Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 1
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