Azcárate, who recently returned from Spain, told me that Barcelona, after Franco’s response, regards the opening of the French border as its priority. About two days ago, Azcárate visited Vansittart, who treated him with the utmost attentiveness and asked him many questions about the situation at the front lines, at the rear, etc., and did not conceal that his sympathies lay with the Republicans. In conclusion, V. asked Azcárate to set out in a private letter his personal considerations concerning the Spanish question as it stands today. Azcárate has already done so. Later, he also visited Halifax, where he received a quite different reception. Outwardly, Halifax observed all the proprieties, but when he heard Azcárate declare that England and France, having actively insisted in July on the immediate adoption of the Committee’s plan for Barcelona, were now morally obliged (following the plan’s rejection by the insurgents) to free the Republic from the shackles of non-intervention, he could do nothing better than lecture the Spanish ambassador on the benefits of non-intervention. Further proof that Chamberlain will never give up this damned Committee!

A visit from Corbin, who has just returned from holidays in Évian-les-Bains. In Paris he met Daladier and Bonnet. The situation in Europe is critical, according to them, and Corbin wants to be in as close contact with me as possible. Simon’s speech in Paris is considered insufficiently clear and firm. France itself will fulfil its obligations to Czechoslovakia.

Yesterday, Kennedy, the American ambassador, had a lengthy talk with Chamberlain. The prime minister asked him to approach Roosevelt and find out what would be the US interpretation of their neutrality law in the event of a European war. Can the democratic countries rely on getting weapons and money from America? Kennedy promised to contact the president.

Plymouth invited me over and passed on to me the British government’s memorandum, which boils down to sending Hemming to Burgos (probably to Barcelona as well) for talks with Franco (possibly with Negrín,

Juan Negrín, Spanish minister of finance, 1936–37; premier of the Republican government, 1937–39; following Franco’s victory in 1939, he fled to Paris, where he tried to organize a government in exile; found refuge in England when the Germans invaded France in 1940. Maisky spent most weekends at his country house in Bovingdon.

too) about the Committee’s future plans. Franco, you see, doesn’t grasp all the subtleties of the plan, and Hemming will clarify them. Plymouth asked me what I thought about the memorandum, but I merely declared that I would convey its content to Moscow.