V. attaches the utmost importance to Czechoslovakia, as it holds a key position. If it is lost, ‘Mitteleuropa’ will become an established fact, which would be dangerous to both Britain and the USSR. At this point I added and explained that ‘Mitteleuropa’ would be more dangerous to the west than the east. V. raised few objections.

‘This is a critical moment,’ he went on. ‘We have to act and act quickly. France has already declared that, if need be, it will come to the aid of Czechoslovakia. In his speech of 27 August, Simon has expressed England’s opinion also, albeit with insufficient clarity and certainty. But what about the USSR? The Soviet government continues to maintain silence. Neither London nor Paris knows anything about your intentions. This weakens the standing of the peace front.’

I replied that I was very surprised by V.’s rebukes. It is common knowledge that the USSR has always met its economic and political commitments. The same applies to the Soviet–Czechoslovak pact. But we don’t see the need to get ahead of ourselves in this matter. After all, the observance of peace treaties is the business of Britain and France in the first place – they bear responsibility for them. Since the USSR does not bear such responsibility, it cannot act as champion of the Versailles order. Of course, our general notion of the fight against aggression disposes us to support Western powers in their efforts to preserve peace, but we cannot take the lead and the initiative. The complaint that London and Paris know nothing about our intentions is more than strange. Do London and Paris deem it necessary to inform us about their plans and actions in Central Europe? Why should we act differently?

V. started to object, pointing out that now is not the time to harbour past grudges. It is an exceptionally critical period. Next week in Nuremberg, Hitler may say something that could unleash a war. It is imperative to put strong pressure on him prior to Nuremberg.

I asked: what does the British government propose doing if the situation is so critical?

V. gave an evasive answer, adding only that important decisions are expected to be taken at a Cabinet meeting tomorrow morning…

I had not seen V. for almost four months and today I found him in a far more active, combative and decisive mood than in May. He looked like an invigorated man who had once again found his footing. The rumour that V. is regaining his strength seems to be true. All the better. His temporary eclipse, particularly after Eden’s resignation, had an extremely harmful effect on British policy.