Titulescu has been in London for about a week. He has managed to see Chamberlain, Eden, Vansittart, Churchill and many others in high places, as well as to deliver two speeches: one at a Parliamentary Labour session and the other at the Royal Institute for International Affairs. While I was with him, he let me run my eyes over his speech to the Labour members.

Titulescu has been saying more or less the same things to everyone: peace in Europe and the integrity of the British Empire depend on whether a peace front led by England, France and the USSR can be set up in good time. If this happens, everything will be fine. If not, mankind in general and Great Britain in particular will have to endure a two-act tragedy: Act 1 is the forging of Mitteleuropa by Germany and Act 2 is the destruction of the British Empire by Mitteleuropa. The British should make their choice and do so urgently. To sweeten the pill, Titulescu has told the British that there is no need for them to undertake any firm commitments with regard to Eastern Europe. Undertaking such commitments with regard to France would do. ‘The rest,’ Titulescu added with a cunning smile, ‘is sure to follow.’ He assured me that his propaganda was successful, and this seems to be true: I have heard confirmation from various sources of the ex-minister’s somewhat boastful statements. In particular, his speech in parliament made quite an impression on Labour MPs.

Titulescu also observed that Germanophile sentiments have grown considerably in England since his last visit to London in March 1936.

In reply to my question about his plans for the near future, Titulescu first told me the story, at very great length, of how the Germans have attempted to poison him three times in Switzerland and Bucharest. Then he said that he would return to Rumania in October. It was dangerous, of course, but he had to do it. He did not want to become a defector, as it would mean the end of his serious political activity and struggle. Titulescu, after all, is full of fire and determination. He dropped a typical remark on parting: ‘If I am not assassinated within the first six months after my return home, Rumania will be mine!’

Titulescu had been removed from office by King Carol at the end of 1936, having floated the idea (which came to naught) of a mutual assistance pact with the Russians. He met Lloyd George on 11 June and expressed the view that the ‘spirit in France was so bad’ that France would ‘certainly hesitate to fulfil her obligations’ to the Franco-Soviet pact. Both agreed that it was Beneš who had wrecked Lloyd George’s scheme at the 1922 Genoa Conference for integrating Russia into Europe. Where they disagreed was over Titulescu’s conviction that ‘Moscow was turning its thoughts’ towards a Russo-German reconciliation and entente. His own friendship with Russia ‘was not based on any liking for Moscow, but on a desire to keep Russia sweet, and prevent her from claiming Bessarabia’; Lloyd George papers, LG/G/130, 11 June 1937. See also Steiner, The Triumph of the Dark, pp. 288–90.