This greatly alarmed me. The effect of such a message on Anglo-Soviet relations was beyond doubt. It could hardly help Pollitt

Harry Pollitt, one of the founders of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in 1920 and its general secretary, 1929–39 and 1941–56.

either: all types of Englishmen (including workers) dislike it very much when foreigners ‘interfere in their domestic affairs’. I sent a telegram to Moscow. The reply came the next day: The message should not be published. So it was not published, either on the 9th or later. An unpleasant conflict had been averted.

That there would have been a conflict is certain. I visited Vansittart in the Foreign Office in the afternoon of 8 November, after the directive not to publish had been received from Moscow. We discussed different matters. At the end of the conversation, Vansittart raised the Daily Worker cutting from his table and said with the most charming smile:

I interrupted V. and observed that the Soviet government and Comintern are different entities and that the Soviet government has no power over Dimitrov and is not responsible for him, etc. – things which I had had to repeat many times in similar circumstances and in various countries. V. listened to me quietly and uttered with the air of one augur addressing another: ‘I would have understood if you’d had a chance of bringing, say, 150 deputies into the House. That might have been worth risking. But here the election of one or two communists is at stake. What practical significance can this have? Is it worth spoiling relations with England for this? I find the game not worth the candle.’

I laughed and repeated that V.’s admonitions were misaddressed.